Chinese-Indonesians: Is a Once Forbidden Identity Fading?

Jakarta Globe, Brigitta Kinadi, June 23, 2011

Just as China is ascending the world stage as an economic superpower,
so too, is Chinese culture becoming increasingly visible in Indonesia.
So why is it that, while this boom in Chinese culture is going on, so many
young Chinese-Indonesians are slowly losing touch with their cultural heritage?
(JG Illustration)

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Just as China is ascending the world stage as an economic superpower, so too, is Chinese culture becoming increasingly visible in Indonesia.

Chinese New Year, banned during the repressive New Order period, is now a national holiday that sees almost every mall in the city festooned in red and gold lanterns in hopes of boosting sales. Students all over the country are learning Chinese language to get a leg up in an international job market where Mandarin is fast becoming as big an asset as English.

So why is it that, while this boom in Chinese culture is going on, so many young Chinese-Indonesians are slowly losing touch with their cultural heritage?

Prisca Muljadi, 18, is Chinese by blood, but, when asked how much she knows about her Chinese culture, she was taken aback. It was as if she was being asked about something completely foreign.

After a thoughtful silence, she said, “To be honest, when I think about it, I don’t really know much about Chinese culture.

“I’ve always wondered how Chinese people ended up living in Indonesia, but I accepted it as a fact and don’t feel curious or question it at all,” she continued.

She confessed that she had never really thought about Chinese culture until the topic was brought up.

Muljadi neither speaks a Chinese language nor does she know which generation Chinese she is. She said that, if anything, she identifies more with Western culture. “I went to an international school, speak English, and go to college in the US,” she explained.

Natasha Silfanus, a 19-year-old Chinese-Indonesian, said, “I cannot speak for anybody except for myself and my circle of friends. But I believe we lack an understanding and, more importantly, an interest in Chinese culture.”

Silfanus’s parents urged her to study the Chinese language, but she said she was “just not interested.” She said she did not know her family history and thought that, although her parents practiced some Chinese traditions, they were not important to her personally.

She put part of the blame on her lack of knowledge about Chinese culture on her family. “My family isn’t that Chinese culturally — we are very much adapted to the Indonesian way of life, with some Western influences,” she said.

More bluntly, Jason Utomo, another 19-year-old student, said of Chinese culture, “Yeah, I’m definitely ignorant.”

Although Utomo is fluent in Mandarin, he said it would be just “too much effort” to preserve his family’s Chinese traditions when he raises his own family.

The sentiments of these three Chinese-Indonesians are echoed again and again by young members of the minority group, forming a trend that experts say has clear historical causes.

Aimee Dawis, a lecturer at the University of Indonesia and the author of “The Chinese of Indonesia and Their Search for Identity,” said Chinese-Indonesians born after 1980 are prone to apathy when it comes to their culture. She believes that this particular generation is in a unique position because their parents grew up in a period where any displays of Chineseness were systematically erased by the state.

“Their ignorance may have to do with their parents,” Aimee said. “But you can’t really blame those parents, because they grew up in the Suharto era, when everything Chinese was discouraged and banned.” She added that many people hid the fact that they were Chinese due to the stigma once attached to it.

Chinese culture was banned in the Suharto era due to the alleged role of the Chinese in supporting the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI). For 33 years, any expression of Chinese culture was banned, including celebrations, schools and Chinese languages.

After a substantial period of cultural repression, the prohibition of Chinese culture was lifted by former President Abdurrahman “Gus Dur” Wahid in the early 2000s. In what Aimee calls a “renaissance of Chinese culture,” Chinese language is now being taught in many national-plus schools, Chinese New Year became a national holiday, and there is no longer a significant sense of fear associated with being Chinese.

The Chinese in Indonesia currently make up about 2 percent of Indonesia’s 240 million people. Chinese culture is now legally allowed to thrive in Indonesian society. The question is, with so many Chinese-Indonesian families not being used to practicing their culture openly, is it too late for it to be revived?

Angeline Ang, a mother of three young children, said that she considered Chinese culture important and was doing her best to keep it alive in her family. She said she wanted to teach her children to value and cherish Chinese ideals and traditions. Additionally, she said that she wanted her children to learn a Chinese language for cultural reasons.

“Even without the business and vocational advantages of speaking Chinese, I’d still encourage my children to learn the language,” Ang said.

She said, however, that she hoped her children would still identify as Indonesian because they were born and raised here.

“But we can’t forget our Chinese heritage as well,” she added. “I’m proud to be Indonesian and I think Indonesian culture is valuable. At the same time, I will never forget my heritage, no matter what my citizenship is. You can’t throw away your heritage.”

Likewise, Aimee believes Chinese-Indonesians should identify themselves primarily as Indonesians, without completely losing their connection to Chinese culture.

“Being a Chinese-Indonesian simply means being an Indonesian of Chinese descent,” Aimee said. “I think it’s very important to identify as an Indonesian first and foremost.”

As a Chinese-Indonesian mother herself, she wants her children to feel truly Indonesian — which means sending her children to a school where they have flag-raising ceremonies and giving her first daughter a distinctly Indonesian name, Putri, a practice that was enforced under the New Order.

Aimee agreed that many Chinese-Indonesian young people are increasingly ignorant about Chinese culture, but also emphasized that the Chinese community is extremely diverse.

“There is a big Chinese organization called the Chinese-Indonesian Social Association (PSMTI) which has a very active youth division,” she said. “They’re very aware of their identity and discuss issues of identity openly. So we can’t generalize this trend at all. Family backgrounds and history matter significantly.”

The youth division of PSMTI, the Association of Chinese-Indonesian Youth (IPTI), is led by Andrew Susanto. It was created in 2007 and now spans the archipelago’s 33 provinces, with thousands of members from ages 16 to 35.

According to Susanto, the main goal of the association is to instill a strong sense of identity in young Chinese-Indonesians.

“There are a lot of young Chinese-Indonesians that have grown indifferent [to their heritage], and that’s why the association was formed,” he said. “We want to give them lessons on Indonesian nationality that are specifically tailored to Chinese-Indonesians.”

He also believes that Chinese-Indonesians should see themselves as fully Indonesian. “I don’t even think it’s necessary for Chinese-Indonesians to speak a Chinese language fluently,” he said. “If they can, that’s great. But there is no obligation for them to learn a Chinese language when they need to see themselves as Indonesian first and foremost.”

Susanto said a lack education had played a major role in creating a generation that was unconcerned about their cultural heritage and identity. He argued that because the history of Chinese-Indonesians was rarely touched on in schools, Chinese-Indonesians did not see themselves as vital parts of Indonesia.

“[IPTI] is trying to open up that history,” he said. “In every pivotal moment of Indonesian history, there were Chinese figures that fought for the good of this country. They played a role in the building of Indonesia.

“We need to teach young Chinese-Indonesians that we are not simply temporarily staying in Indonesia. If they can see themselves as playing a role in Indonesian history, they will eventually realize that this is our country and our home.”

For those like Muljadi, Silfanus or Utomo, who have not given much thought to their Chinese heritage, Susanto said it was only a matter of time before they started to question their identity.

“Sure, they might not ponder their identities now. But there will come a point, whether it’s when they settle down or have their own children, where they will ask pertinent questions about identity to ultimately decide what cultural legacy they will pass on for their children,” Susanto said.

Until then, Susanto said the subject of Chinese identity in Indonesia should be more openly discussed in schools, daily conversations, and the media. He said he hoped his association could offer support to young adults who were starting to think about the deeper questions of their identity as Chinese-Indonesians.

“I usually tell people I’m Indonesian because that’s what it says on my passport,” Muljadi said. “But when I really think about it, I don’t fully identify with Indonesian culture. Yet when I say I’m Chinese, I don’t truly identify with Chinese culture either.

“Then I think that, perhaps due to my upbringing and experience studying in the United States, I may be more of a Westerner. But Western culture is not something I completely belong to either. So I guess, I really don’t know.”

A Message of Hope From a Colonial-Era Massacre

Jakarta Globe, May 10, 2011

A total of 70 actors, mainly from the Mister and Miss Jakarta Association
(IANTA), staged a play about a massacre of ethnic Chinese by the Dutch
on Oct. 9, 1740. (Antara Photo)

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Theater-goers were treated to a story of love, tragedy and comedy over the weekend — not to mention a particularly good-looking cast to watch on stage.

Based on a true story from Jakarta’s history, the musical theater production “Sangkala 9/10” was staged by the Mister and Miss Jakarta Association (IANTA) at Taman Ismail Marzuki’s Teater Jakarta from Friday to Sunday.

A cast of 70 actors, most alumni of Mister and Miss Jakarta contests, put on five shows over the weekend to an estimated 5,000 audience members.

A number of big names were also involved in the production, including former Mister Jakarta and TV personality Indra Bekti, radio host Iwet Ramadhan and actor Teuku Zacky.

Producer Maudy Koesnaedi, who is also a former Miss Jakarta, said the show aimed to highlight a story from Jakarta’s past to point a way forward for the future.

Based on true events that took place in Batavia, as Jakarta was once known, the play told the tragic story of a massacre carried out by the Dutch at nightfall on Oct. 9, 1740 — giving the show its title, “sangkala,” or “twilight,” and “9/10,” the date of the massacre.

Thousands of Chinese, mostly working in the city as businesspeople, were killed by the Dutch colonists, who also attempted to influence the local Betawi people to help them eradicate the Chinese from the city.

However, their attempts were destined to fail, as the Betawi people decided to work together with the Chinese and fight back against the Dutch.

Amid the conflict in the play, a love story blossomed between two young people: Said, a Betawi man, and Lily, an ethnic Chinese woman. Their heroic efforts to unite their love, along with the two ethnic groups, served as the center point for the show.

Director Adjie Nur Ahmad said the story had been chosen because it reflected contemporary problems faced by the country.

“We have seen how Indonesians today are easily manipulated in the name of difference,” Adjie said, adding that this had led to many bloody conflicts in the country.

“What we are supposed to do is fight wrongdoing and support what is right, not the other way around,” he said.

To illustrate the moral of the story, the play was given the tagline “Berbeda Bukan Berarti Tak Perlu Dibela” (“Being Different Doesn’t Mean They Shouldn’t Be Defended”).

Maudy, the producer, said that she especially hoped the younger people in the audience had grasped the core message of the play.

“Instead of going to the mall every weekend, we believe theater could be a perfect alternative form of entertainment for the young,” she said. “Through this show, we would like to present a different side of the Betawi people.”

TV personality Indra, who played a Betawi character named Kosim, said he learned so much from the production — including a few basic moves of “silat,” Indonesia’s traditional martial art.

“I think this is a great theater production, I’m having so much fun,” Indra said.

Unlike his job on TV, which allows for a lot of improvisation, the theater role posed the challenge of a set script.

“I had to keep reminding myself that I needed to follow the script and all the rules,” he laughed.

Drawing a bigger crowd than both of IANTA’s previous performances, “Cinta Dasima” (“Dasima’s Love”) in 2009 and last year’s “Doel,” “Sangkala 9/10” was judged a success by Maudy.

Maudy also expressed hope that, after three productions, IANTA would continue to build on its success.

“We hope this can be a long-term project and that we can produce more shows in the future,” she said.

Gay man seeking asylum: I can't return to Indonesia

CNN News, By Sarah Hoye, February 15, 2011

STORY HIGHLIGHTS

• Anton Tanumihardja came to the U.S. from Indonesia in 2002
• He applied for asylum because of his sexual orientation
• He faced deportation on Valentine's Day, but got a last-minute reprieve
• His attorney says his case spotlights inequalities for same-sex couples applying for asylum

Philadelphia (CNN) -- Anton Tanumihardja had his bags packed, anxious about his flight back to his home country, Indonesia. It was a trip he did not want to make after spending the past eight years in the United States.

Anton Tanumihardja has applied for asylum,
fearing persecution for his sexual orientation
in Indonesia.

He feared his absence would mean the end for his relationship with his boyfriend. In a bitter twist, he would be leaving on the night of Valentine's Day.

At the last minute came a temporary reprieve: Federal immigration officials issued a stay of deportation just three hours before his flight was to take off.

Tanumihardja, who is openly gay, has filed for political asylum, fearing persecution if he is forced to return to Indonesia. He says his homeland is not tolerant of homosexuals.

Although the order gives Tanumihardja more time in Philadelphia, it does not guarantee he can stay forever. It remains in effect until authorities decide whether to reopen his political asylum application.

Tanumihardja, 45, came to the United States in 2002 with a tourist visa from Jakarta, Indonesia. After his visa expired, he filed for political asylum and received a work permit while his case was being reviewed.

When his asylum application and subsequent appeals were denied, immigration authorities told him he had to leave on Monday.

"I got a lot of support from the people who love me and want me to stay," Tanumihardja said before breaking down into tears. "I do not expect anything in return from this country. I just want my status to be legal here."

In addition to his sexual orientation, Tanumihardja is ethnic Chinese and Catholic, making his return to Indonesia more daunting because he would be a triple minority in the predominantly Muslim country.

"Going back to my country means I have to be closed," he said, referring to his sexual orientation. "I cannot come out in my country and have to be hiding who I am."

The root issues of Tanumijardja's case are more complicated than simply deporting someone for an overstayed visa or denying a political asylum application, according to his attorney, Lavi Soloway.

The case sits at the intersection of gay rights and immigration reform, he says.

"Our whole immigration system, 80% of the cases are based on family unification, it's about keeping the family together," Soloway said. "But this just doesn't register with the LGBT community. It's a reflection of anti-gay discrimination."

Tanumihardja started dating Brian Andersen last fall, and they have been inseparable ever since.

Andersen, 28, is an American citizen. If they were heterosexual and planned to marry, Tanumihardja could possibly have been sponsored for residency, Soloway argues.

Under current U.S. law, the sponsorship option does not exist for same-sex couples.

Tanumihardja, who has a degree in accounting and marketing, works at Coventry Deli in downtown Philadelphia where he also doubles as the bookkeeper.

He will continue his fight to stay, he said.

"I do my best for this county, I love this country," he said.

Soloway says he fears for Tanumihardja if he is forced to return to Indonesia.

"He is a gay man who has had the opportunity to live openly as a gay man in Philadelphia. And now he's going back to live where in order to survive, you cannot be open," Soloway said. "We guard against taking for granted our freedom to be with those we love."

The last-minute stay of deportation has Tanumihardja and Andersen relieved, but cautious.

"This is the best we could of hoped for at this point," Andersen said after hearing the news. "It's something that is very real and happening."

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‘Imlek’ celebrated in the spirit of pluralism

Andi Hajramurni and Slamet Susanto, The Jakarta Post, Makassar/Yogyakarta | Fri, 02/04/2011

Festive mood: A Church congregation joins a Chinese-themed Mass at Tebet Catholic Church in South Jakarta on Thursday. The celebration is part of Chinese New Year festivities. JP/Damar Harsanto

Chinese New Year, or Imlek, is not only celebrated by Indonesian-Chinese, but also ethnic Indonesians in a number of large cities.

In Makassar, South Sulawesi, hundreds of residents joined in the revelry on the eve of Imlek on Wednesday night.

For them, Imlek is a much-awaited time when they can enjoy the festive fireworks, lanterns, lion dances and bright temple lights in the Chinatown area pervaded by the scent of joss sticks.

On Wednesday night, hundreds of residents from Makassar and surrounding areas crowded on Jl. Sulawesi to witness the festivities. The street is home to two large temples and is where the Imlek festivities are concentrated. Police closed the road to traffic.

Residents waited until midnight to watch the colorful firework display.

Ethnic Chinese residents had since the afternoon flocked to the temples to pray. They burned joss sticks and prayed to deities for themselves and for the peace and security of the country.

An ethnic Chinese resident in Makassar, Yuli, expressed hope that the country and its people would face a better year and would be protected from disasters and upheaval.

“I pray for myself and for the country. Hopefully, there would be no disasters and riots this year, so we can live better and peaceful lives and the economy can improve,” he said.

On the resort island of Bali, an acculturation of Balinese and Chinese traditions colored the celebrations on Thursday.

Indonesian-Chinese marked the first day of the Year of Rabbit in the spirit of pluralism, as they flocked to houses of worship to pray for blessings for the year ahead.

In Jakarta, Governor Fauzi Bowo made a pledge that he would end discrimination against Indonesian-Chinese.

During a visit to the Chinese neighborhood in Rawa Kompeni in Kalideres, West Jakarta, the governor said he had made efforts to end such discrimination including repealing a policy that required Jakartans of Chinese descent to inform of their ethnic background on their identity cards.

Fauzi said Chinese culture had become part of the indigenous culture of Jakarta. “The Chinese culture is an inseparable part of Jakarta. It is now part of its culture and I am proud of that,” he said.

In Yogyakarta, the Indonesian-Chinese community held the week-long Chinese Cultural Week (PBT) festival as a mark of solidarity with survivors of the recent Mount Merapi eruptions by showcasing the traditions of residents living on the slopes of the volcano.

The PBT this year lacked the glamor of previous years. “This is our way of mourning the Merapi disaster,” Yogyakarta Mayor Herry Zudianto said.

Yogyakarta has long been renowned as boasting a diverse culture. The Imlek festivities also showcased various groups and religions in Yogyakarta. “We organized this year’s Imlek celebrations to promote tourism in Yogyakarta,” Herry said.

In Palangkaraya, West Kalimantan, Imlek celebrations took place at Avalokitesvara temple on Jl. Tjilik Riwut.

While they prayed, local youth engaged in lion dances.

In Semarang, Central Java, the Imlek celebration was highlighted by the Imlek Semawis Market.

Hundreds flock to Jakarta’s oldest Chinese temple

The Jakarta Post, Sun, 01/30/2011

Darma Jaya Toasebio Vihara in Glodok,
Central Jaya. (Photo: PIRHOT NABABAN)

Hundreds of followers of Taoism gathered at the Darma Jaya Toasebio Vihara in Glodok, Central Jaya, on Sunday to perform prayers for the upcoming Chinese New Year, which will fall on Feb 3.

Tribunnews.com reported that smoke from incense burned by some 300 visitors clouded the interiors of the Vihara, which is decorated with red lanterns.

The Vihara’s caretaker Andi said the crowds were normal nearing the New Year.

Vihara Darma Jaya, which was built in the 16th century, is said to be the oldest Chinese temple in Jakarta.

Piece of Mind: A Delayed Return to Indonesia

Jakarta Globe, Tita Alissa Listyowardojo | December 13, 2010

There is a dilemma almost every Indonesian living overseas faces at one point or another: fight to stay abroad or fly back to their beloved country?

As a young Indonesian, I believe that being abroad offers me more freedom and opportunity, especially in my career as a researcher. It also makes me feel like I’m constantly on an “adventure.”

As a Chinese-Indonesian woman abroad, I do not see the difference between living abroad or in Indonesia because I feel that I belong nowhere.

This feeling of disconnection from my home country is related to my painful memories of the May 1998 riots in my hometown of Jakarta, which targeted Chinese-Indonesian people and property.

Philosophically speaking, I feel like I can “belong” anywhere.

I have been questioned a lot by my Indonesian friends and extended family about why I choose to live abroad.

Have I forgotten about my widowed mother in Jakarta?

Have I become unpatriotic?

Have I forgotten where I come from?

No, I have not.

I think about those things every day.

But living is about choosing what is best for yourself.

If I had returned home years ago, after throwing away what was possibly a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity, and had become unhappy with my life, who would I have to blame?

Those who matter to me support my decision. Period.

In addition, I still need to answer the question, “How far can I go?”

I can always go home, but the opportunity to do research abroad may not come again.

But now, my research contract with a University in the Netherlands is almost finished.

Once more, I am faced with the possibility of having to go home if I do not find another job in the near future.

Trying to stay abroad could be a bumpy road.

For example, I’d have to find an institution willing to obtain a working permit for me.

Or I have to compete with other scholars from developed countries who speak perfect English and are used to being charming and selling themselves.

Although the expense of issuing a working permit may not be a problem for most institutions that employ highly educated expatriates, the problem is that most institutions do not want to go through the hassle of immigration paperwork.

In Europe, most countries have employment procedures that favor local hires over candidates from other European countries, not to mention developed countries such as the United States, Australia or England.

Obviously, candidates from developing countries have an even more difficult time.

On the one hand, going home means being able to embrace my friends and family.

But I have to ask myself, is this option right for me now, having left home for so many years?

How will I adapt back into the culture?

What kind of work can I get in research?

Will this work be properly funded?

Will having a high-level degree help my career in Indonesia, or will it just make me overqualified?

What about all the friendships I’ve made, the networks I’ve established and the efforts I’ve put into building my career in Europe?

Should I return to Indonesia, I think I’ll be able to face all these daunting questions.

My survival skills will kick in and help me to acclimatize.

But they are bugging me now.

There was a time when I thought I’d go back to my home country eventually.

It was when I was in a relationship with another Indonesian.

The idea of getting back together with him provided a strong incentive to return home.

However, when our decision to get married did not get “family approval” due to ethnic and religious differences, we decided to respect our families by separating.

After that, I immediately fell back into my old pattern of thinking.

Those questions nagged me, confirming that I should stay abroad as long as possible.

Daniel Kahneman, a psychologist and Noble Prize winner in Economics, suggests that negative memories have a disproportionate effect on our decision-making processes.

For example, if you go on an enjoyable trip but have one bad experience, that one bad memory might be enough to make you not want to visit that place again.

As everybody knows, human memory is flawed and bad memories tend to have a longer shelf life than good.

I might have more bad memories about Indonesia than good ones, but I might have also overlooked bad experiences that happened to me outside Indonesia.

At any rate, I intend to fight for my place abroad.

If I can’t hold out, at least I know I still have a home waiting, well ... at home.

Despite everything, that’s still a comfort.

Tita Alissa Listyowardojo is a researcher based in the Netherlands.

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Interfaith Food Fight Brings Lombok’s Muslims and Hindus Closer Together

Jakarta Globe, Fitri R. | November 23, 2010

Mataram. A war between the faithful of two religions is never a good thing — except in Lingsar village in West Lombok district, where an annual tradition serves to promote rather than quash interfaith harmony.

Muslims and Hindus carry offerings for the ‘Ketupat War’ at the
Lingsar temple complex in Lombok. The participants fling
rice sanctified with holy water at one another. (JG Photo/Fitri R.)

For the war that takes place here is no more than a food fight, and is called Perang Topat (Ketupat War), after the steamed rice cakes that participants hurl at one another.

The warring factions are the village’s Hindu and Muslim communities, who face off during the full moon of the seventh month of the ancient Sasak calender, which this year fell on Sunday. The battleground was the Lingsar temple complex, which uniquely houses the Hindu Gaduh temple and the Kemaliq Mosque side by side.

Following a series of processions and elaborate rituals, capped with a mass prayer observed by both Hindus and Muslims alike, the fun begins.

Appointed village youths climb the temple walls and prepare to unleash piles of ketupat that have been soaked in holy water and blessed with Hindu and Muslim prayers, which residents then rush to collect and bombard the “enemy” with.

The battle lasts no more than half an hour, to the accompaniment of cheers from the crowd and the participants.

The tradition, which has been observed for generations going back at least 200 years, is practiced every year to strengthen ties between the members of the two religions.

Suparman Taufik, an elder from the Kemaliq Mosque, said the mock battle celebrated the warrior traditions of always doing good and forgiving past grudges once the fighting was over.

Local historian Jalaludin Arzaki said that while the tradition pitted Hindu and Muslim communities against each other, its origins were not religious. It was adapted from earlier rituals of ancestor worship and kindness.

He said the roots of the tradition went back 350 years, when the pagan Sasak ruler of the area built Kemaliq as a holy place open only to those of high virtue.

The Gaduh Temple was built later by officials of the expanding Balinese kingdom, and in 1759 the Lingsar temple complex was formalized.

“Both buildings brought together Sasak and Balinese traditions, and the people here have since lived together in harmony,” Jalaludin said.

He added that while the Perang Topat was influenced by both the Hindu and Muslim communities in Lingsar village, the tradition had a heavy Sasak influence and was practiced by Sasak communities elsewhere in the province as well.

“At the heart of it all, the Perang Topat is an agrarian folk tradition through which the people express their hope for a successful harvest and good fortune in their lives,” he said.

But the celebration has now also become a highlight of the tourist agenda in the district.

Robijono Rastijanto, head of the West Lombok Culture and Tourism Office, said the tradition was unique in that it uses the theme of war to foster peaceful coexistence.

“It’s always something that the locals look forward to every year, and it’s a potent symbol of peace for both the Hindu and Muslim communities,” he said.

Meanwhile, the Perang Topat differs from regular food fights in that the ammunition doesn’t go to waste.

After the event, all the ketupat used is collected once again and used as an organic fertilizer in rice paddies and vegetable gardens across the village.

ANOTHER DAY PASSES: Muslims from a variety of backgrounds enjoy fast-breaking meals prepared by the Indonesian-Chinese Muslim community and local residents at the Cheng Ho Mosque in Surabaya, East Java. (JP/ID Nugroho)

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Eligibility of Soeharto, nine other figures to get national hero status assessed

The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Sun, 10/17/2010 2:03 PM

The government has proposed late former president Soeharto and nine other deceased figures to get national hero status to the Honor and Service Council, Cabinet secretary Dipo Alam said in Jakarta Sunday.

Dipo said that the proposal, made by the Ministry of Social Service, was being assessed by the Honor and Service Council before being decided by the President.

“It’s not true that one Pak Harto will get the national hero status. There are nine others who are being proposed by the Ministry of Social Service,” Dipo said as quoted by kompas.com.

The nine other figures, said Dipo, who is also the former student activist in the 1970s, include late noted ulema and former president Abdurrahman Wahid, former Jakarta governor Ali Sadikin and J. Leimena.

Soeharto and nine other figures are part of 18 previously proposed by the Ministry of Social Service, Dipo said.

“Let’s think positively. The government will process them in line with the proposal from the public by taking into consideration their contributions to the country during their lives,” he added.

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In Indonesia, 1998 violence against ethnic Chinese remains unaddressed

Twelve years after the ouster of President Suharto, who was believed to have encouraged racial attacks, ethnic Chinese have seen their lot improve but many say they are still treated like outsiders.

By John M. Glionna, Los Angeles Times, July 4, 2010, Reporting from Jakarta, Indonesia

Ruminah winces as she recalls the afternoon a mob ransacked her tiny hair salon, smashing windows and destroying both the business and her faith in justice in her homeland.

Ruminah, an Indonesian of Chinese descent,
says her son, who died in a fire set by looters
in 1998, was killed because he looked Chinese.
(John M. Glionna, Los Angeles Times
/ July 3, 2010)

More than a decade later, the reason she was attacked still haunts her: She is part Chinese.

In May 1998, during two deadly days of racially fueled mayhem, rioters killed 1,000 people and raped 87 women, most of Chinese descent. Others cowered in their homes as the rape squads, reportedly led by army thugs, roamed the streets of Jakarta, the Indonesian capital.

The petite Ruminah, who, like many here, goes by one name, lost more than her shop that day. Her developmentally disabled son was killed in a fire set by looters at a nearby mall.

"I'm not a smart person," said Ruminah, 54, an Indonesian-born Muslim whose grandmother married a Chinese merchant here, "but I know my son died that day because he looked Chinese."

Many of the 5 million ethnic Chinese here, who represent a scant 2% of the population in this predominantly Muslim nation of 248 million, have for years awaited the results of a government investigation of the attacks. Twelve years later, no arrests have been made.

The inquiry stalled years ago when investigators said they failed to find hard evidence of military involvement. The Indonesian government has recently suggested that it will no longer pursue the matter, despite lingering suspicions that the riots were instigated by soldiers influenced by the nation's political leadership.

Without an official report to the contrary, many Indonesians question whether the rapes even occurred.

For ethnic Chinese, long viewed as scapegoats for Indonesia's economic woes, life after the 1998 riots has been bittersweet. On one hand, more Chinese Indonesians have run for public office and a number of discriminatory laws have been repealed. Yet many still feel like unwanted outsiders, their community cast as a greedy merchant class with allegiances to Indonesia and China.

Without question, analysts say, there has been progress since the ouster of President Suharto, whose government required ethnic Chinese to adopt Indonesian names and banned Chinese characters and festivals.

After the dictator was forced from office in 1998, the year of the riots that many believe he fomented, Indonesia has encouraged the spread of Chinese culture.

"The lot of ethnic Chinese here has greatly improved since Suharto, but that doesn't mean the riots' underlying problems have been resolved," said Leo Suryadinata, a professor at Singapore's Nanyang Technological University who focuses on Chinese Indonesian issues. "Issues of poverty, ethnic tension and a gap between rich and poor that led to the violence are still very much alive."

Many say the rise of Islamic fundamentalism has further marginalized ethnic Chinese. In one rural province, clerics recently disrupted a Chinese parade, arguing that the noise of firecrackers and running dragons interfered with Muslim prayer rites.

"Many Indonesians still believe people with Chinese blood keep close allegiances to Beijing," said Andy Yentriyani, a leader of the National Commission on Violence Against Women. "The idea is that any freedoms or authority given the ethnic Chinese will come back to harm Indonesia."

Discrimination against ethnic Chinese here dates back centuries to the Dutch colonial era, when thousands were killed or forced into ghettos. Ethnic Chinese were also attacked in the Indonesian government's anti-communist purges of the mid-1960s.

In the 1980s came calls for Suharto to rein in numerous large Chinese business conglomerates that many argued controlled the economy. But while most ethnic Chinese were considered to be members of the wealthy merchant class, many were actually small-business men, shopkeepers or traders.

In Ruminah's lower-class street in East Jakarta, neighbors viewed her as Chinese, even though the mother of five has never truly identified with her Chinese roots. She can't speak Chinese and doesn't even know where in China to trace her roots.

"They would ask the same question: 'Why do you live here among the poor? We know that all the Chinese are rich,' " Ruminah recalled.

Local boys teased her 14-year-old son, Gunawan, but not because of his learning disability.

"They harassed him because he looked Chinese," she said. "He would come home crying, and my husband would tell him to ignore the taunts. He said they were just words."

That changed during the 1998 Asian financial crisis, when mobs took to the streets and attacked ethnic Chinese they blamed for the economic downturn. Many analysts believe Suharto encouraged the violence to take the pressure off his government for the loss of jobs and rising prices.

On the first night, Ruminah went looking for her son, who had gone to watch a fire at a local mall. Later, wearing a mask to guard against the stench, she inspected hundreds of corpses laid out in the parking lot outside the mall.

She never found him. "I only have his burned clothes," she said, her voice breaking.

For years, Indonesia was viewed as a perilous place for ethnic Chinese. In 2004, a U.S. court granted political asylum to an Indonesian national of Chinese descent who claimed that a return to her homeland would amount to a death sentence. She was just one among the tens of thousands of Chinese Indonesians who have fled the country.

Even now, as ethnic Chinese citizens run for office, prejudices continue.

Sofyan Tan was recently defeated in a run for mayor in the city of Medan, the capital of northern Sumatra. In an interview, the city's first Chinese Indonesian political candidate said opponents waged a campaign to scare voters into believing he would sell the nation to China.

"More hard work is required to show that leadership cannot be based on race and religion," he said.

Activists say there are new efforts at national healing. Prabowo Subianto, the former son-in-law of Suharto, met last summer with ethnic Chinese to publicly explain for the first time that he was not involved in the mayhem.

"Many are still ambivalent about his story," said Jemma Purdey, a research fellow at the Center of Southeast Asian Studies at Monash University in Australia. "But if you meet someone and they tell you straight to your face they didn't have part in things, you have to respect that."

Last fall, government officials also met with historians to draft language for Indonesian school textbooks acknowledging that the anti-ethnic Chinese bloodshed actually happened.

"The scar from that violence remains," said Yentriyani, the commission leader. "How much Indonesians want to heal it, depends on who you talk to."

For now, Ruminah isn't taking any chances about the return of ethnic violence. She runs her beauty shop out of her home, where she feels more secure.

She has seen Muslim youths break off a relationship with her college-age daughter once they learn of her Chinese roots. And she misses her son, who never got the chance to come to terms with his Chinese heritage.

Still, she says, she won't follow the ethnic Chinese who have fled Indonesia since the riots.

"I'm not ashamed of who I am," she said. "This is my country. Where else can I go?"

john.glionna@latimes.com